Author Archives: Gilbert Maina

Donna Warner

Donna Warner

The Great Depression that was felt around the world was traced back and “all major factors contributing to the depression can be traced back to the United States.” [1] It then moved to Europe. In Germany, the Depression struck at the already weakened economy barely being able to recover from WW I from post-war reparations. The Depression created a loop of debt. The American banks loaned Germany money that the Germans used to pay Britain and France reparations and Britain and France used those reparations to pay war debt to the United States.[2] When the U.S. could no longer loan money to Germany the whole loop stopped.

When the stock market crashed in the U.S. it sent a wave across to Europe.  The Germans had to cut unemployment benefits and other public services to keep their head above water, unemployment increased in Germany to 30%.[3] The Stock market lost one half of its value. A severe banking crisis hit Germany in 1931 when the National Bank failed. Germany closed the banks to avoid runs and they abandoned the Gold Standard. Between 1930 and 1933, Germany’s stock money fell to 40 %, prices and industrial production fell and unemployed increased. With Nazi rearmament and monetary expansion, their economy boomed and industrial production increased and full employment returned.[4]

The U.S. stock market crash in 1929 created an unemployment rate of 25 %. By 1938 the unemployment was still in the double digits. The panic spread and a run on the bank caused banks to collapse and  then they closed. “The money supply fell, the economy slowed and bank and business failures multiplied…”[5] Agricultural prices fell dramatically and many farms were lost. The U.S. stock market lost 2/3 of its value. The Federal Reserve was not capable of handling the crisis and taking the measures necessary to end the crisis. There are many theories surrounding “why.”[6] By the time FDR took office all the banks were closed. FDR promised work for the unemployed and bank reforms. Production  was way down. FDR instituted his work programs but unemployment still remained high. Bank reform restored some confidence in the banks. Federally insured deposits also helped to restore public confidence. By 1937, industrial production was above 1929 levels. Social Security was put into effect. Economic expansion began in the Summer of 1938 and lasted through the war and pulled the U.S. out of the Depression.[7] The Depression was particularly harsh for Germany and the U.S.; Britain,  France, and Japan faired better.

Britain had already suffered losses since WW I; shipping never recovered, foreign investments declined, English banks were no longer the main lenders, coal production declined and manufacturing suffered. By the time of the Great Depression, the UK unemployment was at 16%.[8] Britain’s Prime Minister responded to the Depression” by imposing further restrictions on government spending….”[9] The pound was devalued and they abandoned the gold standard. Freeing up currency allowed the Brits to provide financial assistance to distressed areas and provide protection to key industry. Their expansionary monetary policy played a role in their recovery and their economy was surprising resilient.[10]

France experienced a strong economy during the 1920s and wasn’t affected by the Depression until 1932. French society had feelings of desperation. World trade slowed down, production decreased and unemployment spread. On top of the Depression there was an attempted  overthrow of the government in 1934.[11]France was plagued during this time with demonstrations, protests, and strikes. After the attempted coup, Prime Minister Daldier resigned “which led to the formation of a broad-based government…[the] street protests serve to redefine the basis of democratic legitimacy in the midst of crisis.”[12]Japan fared the best in the Depression . It was unusually mild. The stock market rose between 1933-1938. Takahashi is given credit for turning Japan around and stabilizing everything. [13]

Classical economic policies include: full employment, equilibrium (aggregate demand = aggregate supply; AD=AS), spending equilibrium where too much saving and not enough investment puts savings and investment out of equilibrium. Spending and investments has to balance. Classical economic  policy could not work in the depression, it would cause a complete shutdown. To pull through the Depression money had to be expanded which means to increase the deficit. People needed to be put to work. Confidence in banks needed to be restored. Federal deposit insurance helped soothe the fear. It comes down to the policies that you need to restore the economy are not in keeping with Classical economic policies.[14]


“IV. Economic Development and Economic Policies Before WW I.” Powerpoint. Slideserve.

Great Depression. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Ed. William A. Darity. Vol. 3, 2nd ed.2004. Detroit:Macmillan Reference. USA. 367-371 Required reading, Week 4.

Module 4: The End of Optimism? The Great Depression in Europe. Required reading. Week 4


[1] Module 4: The End of Optimism? The Great Depression in Europe. This quote comes from Dietmar Rothermund’s Study.

[2] Ibid

[3] Great Depression.  International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Ed. William A. Darity, Jr. Voll. 3 2nd ed. Detroit: Macmillan Reference. USA. 2008, p. 367-371.

[4] Ibid

[5] Ibid

[6] Ibid

[7] Ibid

[8] Great Depression, International Encyclopedia of the Social Services. Ed. William A. Darity, Jr. Vol 3. 2nd ed. Detroit:                   Macmillan Reference USA. 208. P. 367-371.

[9] Ibid

[10] Great Depression, International Encyclopedia of the Social Services. Ed. William A. Darity, Jr. Vol 3. 2nd ed. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA. 208. P. 367-371.

[11] Module 4: The End of Optimism? The Great Depression in Europe.

[12] Ibid

[13] Ibid

[14] IV. Economic Development and Economic Policies before WW I. PowerPoint. Slide Serve.



Imerys and the Forecasting Process as it Relates to Recruitment

Student 1 David

Imerys and the Forecasting Process as it Relates to Recruitment

Imerys is the world leader in mineral-based specialties for industry and transforms a large variety of minerals into high value specialty products for the industry using sophisticated technical processes. Imerys is a market-driven organization with over 16,000 employees across 250 industrial sites in more than 50 countries.  Imerys Refractory Minerals located in Andersonville, Georgia is the leading worldwide supplier of high-quality alumino silicates and provides a variety of fused minerals as raw materials to the refractory industry.   We have 200 non-union employees at our Andersonville, Georgia and Roswell, Georgia locations consisting of general labor, skilled operations, maintenance, information technology, accounting, engineering, geologists, and numerous other skilled positions.  As with any company, there is turnover within the company due to both voluntary and involuntary separations.  It is important to plan for these types of events as best as possible.  Turnover and recruitment costs the company a lot of money each year and failure to properly plan and budget for these types of events can be detrimental to the company.


Steps in the Forecasting Process

There are six basic steps in the forecasting process.  For each step we will discuss how this relates to the recruitment process at Imerys for forecasting purposes.

  1. Determine the what and why of the forecast and what will be needed. This will indicate the level of detail required in the forecast (e.g., forecast by region, by product), the amount of resources (e.g., computer hardware and software, manpower) that can be justified, and the level of accuracy desired (Shim & Siegel, 2012).  Turnover is a fact of doing business that every company must deal with.  Proper planning for this turnover and the recruitment and planning that must take place is important to the overall success of the company.
  2. Establish a time horizon, short term or long term. More specifically, project for the next year or next five years (Shim & Siegel, 2012).  Companies must look towards to future and develop their workforce.  This takes time and money and does not happen overnight.  You have to look at your workforce and try to look at who can fill the gaps should someone important to the organization leaves the company.  What will it take to get this person ready to step into the next role in their career?  If we do not have someone, what resources will we need as a company to onboard someone that does have the qualifications.
  3. Select a forecasting technique (Shim & Siegel, 2012). There are both qualitative and quantitative approaches that can be used during this step.  Qualitative approaches forecasts based on judgment and opinion while quantitative approaches forecasts based on historical data (Shim & Siegel, 2012).  The qualitative approach I would use is Executive Opinions. I would take the subjective views of managers from the operations, sales and marketing teams to generate a forecast of potential turnover within their departments.  Based on these expectations, we can formulate a plan to help forecast the future needs of the organization as it relates to recruitment, retention, and workforce development.    The quantitative approach I would take is the Naïve model.  Naive forecasting models are based exclusively on historical observation of sales or other variables, such as earning and cash flows. They do not attempt to explain the underlying causal relationships that produce the variable being forecast (Shim & Siegel, 2012).  We can look at historical data of turnover and causes for that turnover.  We can also look at the age and makeup of the current workforce and draw conclusions to potential areas or turnover and make a best guess of the future needs of the organization.  We can also look at information as far as what it costs to train new employees or recruit for specific positions within the plant to make a forecasted budget of our potential spend.
  4. Gather the data and develop a forecast (Shim & Siegel, 2012).  For this step, I would work closely with the management team to help determine potential areas where they see we may have gaps in the coming years.  I would also look at what it will take to develop the current workforce in order to help build the bench strength within the organization.  Not only will this help improve retention, but it will also help prepare for unexpected exits of employees within the organization.  Having someone trained that can step into new roles within the organization is beneficial to both the employee and the company.  I would also look at recruitment trends for the types I positions I will be looking to fill. Every position is different and each will come with their own set of costs.  For some positions that are easier to fill, the company does not have to budget as much.  However, other positions there may not be a source of local candidates and you have to look at bringing in someone from another state to fill this position.  This is going to include a tremendous of amount of relocation costs as well.  Perhaps the company may need to use an external recruiter as well.
  5. Identify any assumptions that had to be made in preparing the forecast and using it (Shim & Siegel, 2012).
  6. Monitor the forecast to see if it is performing in a manner desired. Develop an evaluation system for this purpose. If not, go back to Step 1 (Shim & Siegel, 2012).

Qualitative or Quantitative?

Preparing for future exits within the organization is never a sure thing.  You can always plan for the best, but what you plan for is not always what is going to happen.  Looking at quantitative results will be going off history, but that is not always going to tell you what is going to happen in the future.  Qualitative results are going off opinions and best guesses.  I would probably choose the qualitative approach to help me plan for future needs within the organization as it relates to recruitment and workforce development.  As a company, managers know what the needs of the organization are and they can help develop their workforce to fill those gaps.  They can also use succession planning to help bridge those gaps.  With this use of this succession planning, we can also look at positions that we have no one to backfill with and prepare and forecast potential costs for the organization in order to bring in fresh talent.   While neither a qualitative or quantitative approach is going to give all the answers, an organization should plan for exits from within the organization and what they are going to do should key talent leave.  This is where a strong workforce development and a training plan is going to come into play.


Shim, J. K., & Siegel, J. G. (2012). Budgeting basics and beyond (4th ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.

Cash Budget

Cash Budgets

A cash budget helps an organization plan and control the movement of cash into and out of the company. It is important for an organization to have a good understanding of its cash needs in order to identify instances of cash idleness or shortage. Cash on hand allows the organization to make commitments to various stakeholders, including employees and suppliers. Idle cash represents missed opportunities to reinvest into the organization and to return value to shareholders.

In this Application, you will use the information on cash budgets outlined in the Resources to prepare a cash budget for Gladiator Robotics given the data provided in the scenario below.

You will create and use an Excel spreadsheet for your calculations for the problems below, and the spreadsheet you develop is what you submit for the Application. Note: The Resources section includes tutorials for those who might need help in designing and using an Excel spreadsheet.

Gladiator Robotics
Read the information below and complete Parts I, II and III

The board of directors of Gladiator Robotics is considering whether or not to donate to a national robotics convention for high school students interested in technology and engineering. The company needs you to prepare a monthly cash budget to determine the available cash reserves for January, February, and March. Relevant data appear below.


January February March
Sales $300,000 $325,000 $450,000 $310,000 $350,000 $400,000

All sales are on account. Collections are expected to be 60% in the month following the sale, 25% in the second month following the sale, and 10% in the third month following the sale. Five percent are deemed to be uncollectible.

The company sold equipment in February for $20,000 and received a dividend on investments of $4,000 in March.

Cash on hand as of January 1st is $14,000.

Material purchases are as follows:

October November December January February March
$80,000 $85,000 $105,000 $80,000 $88,000 $92,000

Material purchases are paid 50% in the month purchased and the remainder in the following month.

Other disbursements are paid in the month incurred.

  January February March
Labor and wages 150,000 185,000 215,000
Selling costs 62,000 68,000 78,000
G & A costs 30,000 31,000 38,000
Income taxes     32,000
Capital equipment 50,000    

The company wants to maintain a cash balance at the end of each month of at least $10,000. It has a $250,000 line of credit at the bank and will borrow from the bank in order to maintain this balance.

Part I: Prepare a monthly cash budget for January, February, and March following the template on page 307 in the textbook.

Part II: Analyze the cash budget and make recommendations to the board of directors of Gladiator Robotics regarding your findings. Be specific regarding possible causes and remedies (if applicable).

Part III: What if any concerns do you have about the ability to make the donation? Also, do you have any concerns about cash on hand which might impact variable HR expenses such as recruitment costs or other commitments to employees including staffing, development or rewards? Be specific


analyzing the results of two research studies

analyzing the results of two research studies

Contains unread posts

This discussion task is designed to help you analyze some research studies on the topic on which you will be writing WA #3.

To complete this task, you will read over the following two articles:

Dante E. Mancini, “The “CSI Effect’ in an Actual Juror Sample: Why Crime Show Genre May Matter.”

Janne A. Holmgren and Judith Fordham, “The CSI Effect and the Canadian and the Australian Jury.”


To access the articles, please take the following steps:

  • click Content
  • select Class Resources
  • select eReserves
  • select the icon for eReservesin the middle of your page.
  • in the list of items that appears, locate the articles and download them.


After you find these two articles, please read them over and complete the following for each one:

  • list the source in APA format
  • list key terms in the article
  • describe the focus of the study
  • describe the methodology the author(s) used
  • summarize the study’s findings
  • write your reflections on the article itself.  Comment on whether you found the study difficult to interpret, whether you understood the methodology, or other items that might be of interest to your fellow classmates.


This task will help you become more familiar with finding research studies on your topic, reading them over, gleaning the main points of them, and summarizing their findings.  These skills will be helpful as you continue to research for WA#3.




CSI Effect

Dante E. Mancini, “The “CSI Effect’ in an Actual Juror Sample: Why Crime Show Genre May Matter.”



Translate Abstract

Highly limited empirical research has supported the existence of the “CSI effect”, defined as the influence of heavy forensic television program viewership on perceptions of scientific evidence and juror decision making. Recently, cultivation theory has been proposed as a potential explanation of any television viewing influence, but virtually no prior studies have distinguished crime show sub-genres in viewership measures. Participants were 79 actual jurors who viewed a video recorded summary of a real murder trial, then completed measures of forensic television viewership and perceived realism, verdict preferences, verdict reasons, and perceptions of the presented evidence. Viewership predicted verdict preference as hypothesized, with heavier fiction viewers rendering more acquittals compared to lighter viewers. However, heavier fiction viewers were no more likely to mention DNA evidence as a verdict reason or report a greater preference for either the prosecution’s or defense’s evidence. These findings suggest that, relative sub-genre viewership may be important in establishing empirical support of the CSI effect.

Full Text


Highly limited empirical research has supported the existence of the “CSI effect,” defined as the influence of heavy forensic television program viewership on perceptions of scientific evidence and juror decision- making. Recently, cultivation theory has been proposed as a potential explanation of any television viewing influence, but virtually no prior studies have distinguished crime show sub-genres (fiction and documentary-style) in viewership measures. The current study investigated whether a difference score measure of fiction-to-documentary forensic television program viewership was related to juror decision-making. Participants were 79 actual jurors who viewed a video recorded summary of a real murder trial, then completed measures of forensic television viewership and perceived realism, verdict preferences, verdict reasons, and perceptions of the presented evidence. Viewership predicted verdict preference as hypothesized, with heavier fiction viewers rendering more acquittals compared to lighter viewers. However, heavier fiction viewers were no more likely to mention DNA evidence as a verdict reason or report a greater preference for either the prosecution’s or defense’s evidence. These findings suggest that relative sub-genre viewership may be important in establishing empirical support of the CSI effect.

There is little doubt that the American public has taken a keen interest in crime investigation and forensic science over the past decade, particularly as reflected in television programming. In a recent Frontline program episode entitled “The Real CSI,” well-known forensic pathologist Dr. Cyril Wecht remarked, “There’s this great, great hunger, this incredible fascination with forensic science. I often quip that we are up there now with sex, motherhood, apple pie, and baseball” (Cediel & Bergman, 2012). This interest has likely been sparked by the enormous popularity of television programs such as CBS network’s CSI: Crime Scene Investigation and a plethora of other crime and forensic science- based programs. In June 2012, at the end of its twelfth season, CSI was named the most watched television program in the world for the fifth time in seven years, with an estimated 63 million viewers worldwide (Bibel, 2012), and clone program NCIS: Naval Criminal Investigative Service was named the most popular television program in America during the 2012-13 season, even garnering more viewers than Sunday Night Football (Patten, 2013). Furthermore, as of this writing, CSI, NCIS, and NCIS: Los Angeles can all be found among the ten most watched programs in a given week in the United States (The Nielsen Company, 2013). Although less popular than fictional programs, documentary-style crime programs based on actual criminal cases have also proliferated in the past decade, such as A&E’s The First 48, Crime 360, and American Justice, and truTV’s Forensic Files and The Investigators. The popularity of these programs appears to have led to even more outlets for exposure to forensic science and crime investigation via other means as well, as reflected by the rather recent development of specialized exhibits (CSI: The Experience in Las Vegas, Orlando, and Macao through the Museum of Science and History) and even an entire museum (The National Museum of Crime and Punishment, Washington, D.C., which features specialized exhibits and workshops on forensic science investigation).

Only two years after the premiere of CSI in 2000, various media outlets began suggesting the existence of a “CSI effect” in which frequent viewers of CSI and other forensic-themed programs gained an unrealistic perception of the availability and utility of forensic scientific evidence as well as a false sense of expertise in forensic investigative methods (e.g., Roane, 2007; Toobin, 2005). A majority of these media reports have suggested that programs such as CSI have led to unrealistic juror expectations for forensic evidence (Harvey & Derksen, 2009). As of this writing, at least four books have been published on the subject (Byers & Johnson, 2009; McDonald, 2009; Ramsland, 2006; Stevens, 2011), and some scholars have proposed more wide-ranging effects. Cole and Dioso-Villa (2009, 2011), for instance, outlined eight subtypes of the CSI effect to clarify its extensive influence on jurors, police and forensic investigators, attorneys and judges, educational institutions, and the general public. Of these subtypes, perhaps the most threatening to the criminal justice system is the “strong prosecutor’s effect” in which jurors who are heavy viewers of forensic science television programs develop unrealistically high standards for the availability and utility of scientific evidence, and when they are undoubtedly disappointed with actual forensic evidence presented in court, they are more likely to acquit defendants compared to their non-vie wing cohorts. The potential impact of the strong prosecutor’s effect remains a hotly debated topic, with some speculation that it may have played a part in some of the more media sensationalized acquittals, such as in the criminal trials of Robert Blake or Casey Anthony (e.g., Blankstein & Guccione, 2005; Heinrick, 2006; Picht, 2011; Ryan, 2011).

The CSI effect is presently among the most highly conjectured media effects (Sarapin & Sparks, 2009). However, while it has certainly received a great deal of attention in the mass media, and while survey studies have suggested that judges, attorneys, law enforcement officers, and criminal investigators hold strong beliefs in its existence (e.g., Huey, 2010; Patty, Smith, & Stinson, 2008; Robbers, 2008), it has received little empirical support. As of this writing, a total of nine published studies have investigated the strong prosecutor’s effect subtype (Baskin & Sommers, 2010; Hayes-Smith & Levett, 2011; Holmgren & Fordham, 2011; Kim, Barak, & Shelton, 2009; Mancini, 2011; Podías, 2006, 2009; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007; Shelton, Kim, & Barak, 2007), all of which used measures of frequency of forensic television viewing and defendant guilt in response to criminal trial scenarios and/or descriptions. Out of these, only two (Baskin & Sommers, 2010; Hayes-Smith & Levett, 2011) provided any evidence of a relationship between amount of forensic- themed television viewing and judgments of defendant guilt. However, a majority of the studies provided evidence that frequency of forensic- themed television viewing was associated with increased demands for scientific evidence and perceptions of scientific evidence quality (Baskin & Sommers, 2010; Hayes-Smith & Levett, 2011; Holmgren & Fordham, 2011; Kim, Barak, & Shelton, 2009; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007; Shelton, Kim, & Barak, 2007) and familiarity with forensic investigators’ tasks (Mancini, 2011; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007). Furthermore, an experimental study which did not investigate the strong prosecutor’s effect (Smith, Patty, & Stinson, 2007) found that compared to participants who watched no or few (one to three) CSI episodes over a two-week period, participants who watched more (four to eight) episodes of CSI rated scientific evidence (e.g., DNA, fingerprint) more favorably than non-scientific evidence (e.g., eyewitness testimony, confession). Some limitations common in these studies included use of homogeneous undergraduate mock juror samples (Mancini, 2011; Podías, 2006, 2009; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007) and lack of ecological validity due to use of extremely briefly summarized criminal trial scenarios (Baskin & Sommers, 2010; Kim, Barak, & Shelton, 2009; Shelton, Kim, & Barak, 2007).

Recently, some authors (Bilandzic, Busselle, Spitzner, Kalch, & Reich, 2009; Hayes-Smith & Levett, 2011) have suggested that a well- established theory of media effects, known as cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1972; Morgan, Shanahan, & Signorielli, 2009), may be important in understanding the CSI effect, if it exists. In fact, Bilandzic et al. (2009) remarked that CSI effect research has indeed corresponded closely with a cultivation perspective. According to cultivation theory, commonly repeated images and messages presented on television cultivate a distorted perception of social reality such that-within similar demographic subgroups-frequent television viewers are more likely than infrequent viewers to perceive the real world through the lens of the television world. Simply put, the more television a person watches, the more that person is likely to perceive reality as similar to what is viewed on television. Literally hundreds of cultivation studies have been conducted over the past three decades; two meta-analyses of some of this research (Dossche & Van den Bulck, 2010; Shanahan & Morgan, 1999) indicated that television consumption exerts a small but stable contribution to viewers’ beliefs and perspectives, particularly in those of crime and the criminal justice system. As some examples of cultivation study findings that are potentially relevant to the CSI effect, frequent television viewing has been associated with increased fear of crime and criminal victimization (e.g., Eschholz, Chiricos, & Gertz, 2003; Römer, Jamieson, & Aday, 2003), increased perceived prevalence of violence (e.g., Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Nabi & Sullivan, 2001; Signorielli, 1990) and of law enforcement occupations within society (Gerbner & Gross, 1976), and science knowledge and belief in the promise of science (e.g., Nisbet, Scheufele, Shanahan, Moy, Brossard, & Lewenstein, 2002).

The original cultivation hypothesis (Gerbner, 1972; Gerbner & Gross, 1976) contended that general television exposure was responsible for any cultivation effects due to common, consistent messages conveyed across all television programming that could not be attributed to any specific genre or program. However, a common criticism is that grouping all television programming together and regarding its content as homogenous is inaccurate and outdated (Morgan & Shanahan, 2010), particularly due to dramatic changes in recent decades in the way in which the public consumes television programming. Given the massive expansion of cable systems-with some networks specializing in specific genres of programming (e.g., Animal Planet, truTV, SyFy, Travel Channel, History Channel, etc.)-and modern technological developments (e.g., cable and satellite networks, VCRs, DVD players, DVRs, and the Internet), viewers now can exercise far more control than ever before over the selection and scheduling of television programming (Morgan, Shanahan, & Signorielli, 2009). Along with this greater control, it has been suggested that some viewers may selectively watch specific genres of programming (Hammond, Farrar, & Jalette, 2009). As a result, more recent research investigating genre-specific cultivation processes has been conducted and thus far has yielded some promising results, finding relationships between viewing and genre-specific perceptions and attitudes in such genres as talk shows (e.g., Glynn, Huge, Reineke, Hardy, & Shanahan, 2007; Woo & Dominick, 2003), “makeover” programs (e.g., Kubic & Chory, 2007), and even in specific programs such as the popular medical drama Grey’s Anatomy (Quick, 2009). In fact, in their recent meta-analysis, Dossche and Van den Bulck (2010) found that studies measuring genre-specific viewing actually yielded greater effect sizes in predicting cultivation variables than those measuring general television viewing.

With regard to studying how cultivation theory may be used to investigate the CSI effect, it may be important to distinguish the crime show sub-genres of fictional and “reality-based” or documentary-style programs because of the considerable difference in the ways in which the availability, efficiency, and utility of forensic scientific investigative procedures and evidence are depicted in each. In fictional programs (e.g., CSI, NCIS, Bones), highly astute crime scene investigators use extremely sophisticated, efficient techniques and procedures to recover and analyze evidence from crime scenes, which inevitably leads to the identity of the perpetrator, who often confesses to the crime by the end of the one-hour episode. However, in reality, many of these depicted techniques are often wildly exaggerated or even non-existent (Heinrick, 2006; Podías, 2009; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007). Documentary-style programs (e.g., The First 48, Crime 360, Cold Case Files), on the other hand, follow real law enforcement officers and agents investigating real crimes, and thus naturally provide a more realistic depiction of crime investigation, with investigators at times making human errors and using fruitless procedures. In fact, sometimes the perpetrator is never identified by the end of the episode. Thus, perhaps each sub-genre involves distinctively different cultivation processes; fictional programs may involve cultivation processes based on the highly distorted images and messages about the infallibility of forensic science, while documentary- style programs may involve cultivation processes that are less distorted and more grounded in reality.

Few published cultivation studies have investigated genre-specific cultivation processes within crime shows (e.g., Escholz, Chiricos, & Gertz, 2003; Grabe & Drew, 2007; Oliver & Armstrong, 1995), and even fewer have made any distinctions among the sub-genres. Furthermore, no previous CSI effect research has made this distinction, but instead has tended to use viewership measures which group all crime shows together as if they were comparable. However, some research has suggested that there may be meaningful distinctions in viewer attitude and personality variables among those who tend to view one sub-genre more often than the other. For example, in an early survey study comparing these sub- genres-but prior to the existence of CSI and other similar forensic science-based procedurals-Oliver and Armstrong (1995) found that reality-based viewing (e.g., older programs such as Cops, America’s Most Wanted, FBI: The Untold Story) was associated with punitive attitudes toward crime, higher levels of racial prejudice, and higher levels of authoritarianism, while fictional viewing (e.g., Law and Order, Matlock, Heat of the Night) was not associated with these variables. In addition, viewers rated the reality-based programs as more realistic than the fictional programs.

In summary, the strong prosecutor’s subtype of the CSI effect (Cole & Dioso-Villa, 2009, 2011) contends that heavy crime show fiction- viewing jurors develop a distorted view of the availability and utility of forensic scientific evidence and are more likely to acquit a defendant when presented with seemingly substandard pro-prosecution evidence in real life. In other words, these viewers are more likely to favor the defense when pro-prosecution scientific evidence is perceived as below the standards of that depicted in forensic fiction crime show programs and will identify this perceived substandard evidence as the reason for their acquittals. Previous CSI effect and cultivation research has suggested that increased television viewership is associated with differences in beliefs and perceptions about crime, law enforcement occupations and tasks, and even scientific evidence, but there is little to no evidence that viewership is associated with jury decision-making processes. However, given the recent research indicating genre-specific cultivation processes and that virtually no previous CSI effect studies have distinguished sub-genres in measures of crime show viewing, it appears that making this distinction may be important as a next step in this line of research, a step that several researchers have already recommended (Grabe & Drew, 2007; Hayes-Smith & Levett, 2011). As Morgan and Shanahan (2010) contend, heavy television viewers are unlikely to watch only isolated genres of programs, and thus any influence of a specific program or genre ought to be considered in the context of other viewed programming. Therefore, the current study aimed to investigate whether making the distinction between two sub-genres of forensic science television programming (i.e., fictional vs. “reality- based” or documentary-style) and using a difference score measure of their relative viewing to divide participants into lighter and heavier fiction viewership groups might be a successful method of determining any differences in juror perceptions and decision-making. To maximize ecological validity, an actual juror sample viewed a video recorded summary of footage from an actual murder trial and was administered a series of questionnaires measuring viewership habits of the two sub- genres of forensic science programs as well as their verdicts, verdict reasons, and perceptions of the presented evidence and familiarity with forensic investigators’ and scientists’ tasks. The following hypotheses were proposed according to the strong prosecutor’s subtype of the CSI effect: (1) relative to their documentary-style viewership, heavier fiction viewers would perceive a defendant in a criminal trial as less guilty compared to lighter fiction viewers; (2) heavier fiction viewers would more often cite scientific evidence as the main reason for their verdicts compared to lighter fiction viewers; (3) heavier fiction viewers would report greater familiarity with forensic investigators’ and scientists’ tasks than lighter fiction viewers, similar to previous findings (Mancini, 2011; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007); and (4) heavier fiction viewers would report less satisfaction with the prosecution’s evidence and greater satisfaction with the defense’s evidence compared to lighter fiction viewers.



Eighty jurors (68% female, 96% Caucasian, Mage = 49.7, SI) = 12.4) actively serving jury duty in a Western Pennsylvania courthouse were offered $20 each for their participation. Regarding education levels, 1.3% had less than a high school diploma or GED, 25.3% had a high school diploma or GED, 34.2% had some college or a two-year degree, 29.1% had a four-year college degree, 7.6% had a master’s degree, and 2.5% had a doctoral degree. Annual family income levels were comprised of 3.7% with $10,000 or less, 11.0% between $10,001 and $25,000, 18.3% between $25,001 and $50,000, 39.0% between $50,001 and $100,000, 12.2% between $100,001 and $150,000, 6.1% between $150,001 and $200,000, and 3.7% over $200,000. Three participants did not report annual family income.


Criminal trial stimulus video. A 48-minute edited video recorded summary of the criminal trial Colorado v. Galek (2009) included actual courtroom footage as presented on the program In Session on the truTV television channel in November 2009. As shown in the footage, 17-year- old defendant Andrew Galek was charged with the first-degree stabbing murder of 63-year-old Hans Winter, the father of the defendant’s friend, Kevin Winter, during a sleepover in their home. According to the prosecution, after Galek and Kevin Winter had consumed a large amount of tequila over a three-hour period, Galek then stabbed Mr. Winter in the abdomen with a kitchen knife while he lay in bed, awakening both the victim and his wife, Beverly Winter, who reportedly witnessed Galek flee the room. Mrs. Winter testified that Mr. Winter cried out, “Why did you hit me, Andy [Galek]?” when he was stabbed, and while she did not realize that Galek had stabbed the victim initially as she talked with Galek minutes later in the basement of their home, she later noticed the wound while she was on the phone with a 911 emergency operator. Mr. Winter lost consciousness and was unable to provide useful information about the stabbing, and he died in the ambulance as a result of internal bleeding from a severed iliac artery. The prosecution emphasized that Galek eventually fled the home after speaking with Mrs. Winter and hid under a truck, only to be quickly apprehended by police as they threatened to use a Taser. The defense contended that Galek was too intoxicated to remember anything, that Mrs. Winter did not have a clear view of the perpetrator as he left the darkened room, and emphasized that the surface of the bed sheet near the cut in which the knife penetrated contained DNA obtained from skin cells which excluded Galek as a possible perpetrator. The footage included expert testimony from the laboratory technician who conducted the DNA testing. It should be noted that while Galek later confessed to the crime in several letters to a girlfriend while incarcerated and awaiting trial, these details were excluded from the edited trial footage.

Demographic questionnaire. This was a five-item questionnaire assessing participants’ gender, age, race/ethnicity, highest level of education, and approximate family income.

Verdict questionnaire. This was a 10-item questionnaire measuring participants’ prior familiarity with the Colorado v. Galek case (yes or no), dichotomous verdict (guilty or not guilty), confidence in verdict on a 10-point Likert-type scale (1 = not at all confident to 10 = completely confident), an open-ended item requesting the participants’ two most important reasons for their verdicts, an open-ended estimate of the percentage of likelihood of crime commission generally required for a defendant to be found guilty, and an estimate of the probability that the defendant committed the crime (0% to 100% in 10% increments). Participants were asked to render a guilty verdict based upon the “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard. The open-ended verdict reason item was dichotomously dummy-coded (0 = absent, 1 = present) for the presence or absence of the mention of DNA because this was the main piece of scientific evidence highlighted in the trial footage. In addition, the mention of any scientific evidence at all (e.g., DNA, blood alcohol content of the defendant, fingerprints, blood spatter analysis, etc.) was also dummy-coded. The last four items measured participants’ level of agreement with statements of perceived familiarity with forensic investigators’ and scientists’ tasks (similar to items used successfully by Schweitzer & Saks, 2007 & Mancini, 2011) as well as satisfaction with the prosecution’s and defense’s presented scientific evidence, all rated on 7-point Likert-type scales (1 = not at all agree to 7 = completely agree).

Forensic television viewing habits questionnaire. This questionnaire measured participants’ estimates of viewing frequency and realism over the prior three-month period of a total of 25 currently aired forensic science television programs, either first-run or in rerun syndication. These were divided into 11 forensic science fiction (e.g., CSI: Crime Scene Investigation, CSI: NY, NCIS: Naval Criminal Investigative Service, Body of Proof, Bones) and 14 forensic science documentary (e.g., Forensic Files, Cold Case Files, The First 48, Crime 360, American Justice) programs. Viewing frequency was rated using a scale from 0 = never/less than once per month to 10 = ten or more times per month. For each program that was rated at least a 1 (indicating viewership of once per month), the participant was instructed to rate that program’s realism using a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = not at all realistic to 5 = extremely realistic).


Prior to each of eight data collection sessions, potential participant jurors were solicited while seated in an approximately 200-seat capacity jury waiting room during a period in which it was known that they would not be selected for voir dire for the day’s docket, usually right before their 90-minute lunch break. They were asked to participate in a study of jury decision-making and were told that the study would involve the viewing of a 48-minute video of footage from a real criminal trial and the completion of a set of questionnaires, all of which would require approximately 60-75 minutes. Finally, they were told that they would receive $20 compensation for their participation, and that those who were interested were to take a seat towards the front of the room where the video equipment-including a DVD player and two 42-inch LCD televisions-was located. Those who were not interested were dismissed. Once the participant group was assembled, they were provided with informed consent forms and a packet of questionnaires sealed in envelopes, which they were instructed not to open until further notice. After completing and submitting the informed consent, the participants were provided with a set of instructions-also read aloud to them- asking them to imagine they were jurors in the criminal trial of Colorado v. Galek in which defendant Andrew Galek was charged with the first- degree murder of Hans Winter. Participants were instructed to watch the trial video carefully and to use the standard of beyond a reasonable doubt in their judgments of guilt. The video was then shown to the participants in its entirety, at which time the participants were instructed to open and complete their questionnaire packets. The participants were then debriefed upon completion and submission of their questionnaires and were notified that each would receive a $20 check by mail in the following two to three weeks.

As Dossche & Van den Bulck (2010) recommend, summation scales were used for both the fiction and documentary-style program viewership scores by summing the 11 forensic fiction program ratings and the 14 forensic documentary-style program ratings. A fiction-documentary difference score was then calculated by subtracting the documentary- style viewership scores from the fiction viewership scores; thus, positive scores indicated greater relative fiction viewership, negative scores indicated greater relative documentary-style viewership, and zero or near zero indicated a relatively equal amount of viewership of each sub-genre. Mean realism scores for each of the fiction and documentary-style programs were calculated. A verdict scale score was also calculated as a scalar variable, multiplying the confidence in verdict rating by 1 for guilty verdicts and by -1 for not guilty verdicts, creating a scale range of + 10 (complete confidence in guilt) to -10 (complete confidence in non- guilt).


Preliminary Analyses

Of the sample, none indicated familiarity with the case prior to the study, 23 (28.8%) reported viewing no forensic fiction programs, 33 (41.3%) reported viewing no forensic documentary-style programs, and 17 (21.3%) reported viewing no forensic fiction or documentary-style programs during the previous three months. Using only participants (n = 29) who rated the realism of at least the median number of fiction (Md = 2) and documentary-style (Md = 1) programs, a paired samples t test revealed that documentary-style programs (M = 3.48, SI) = 0.85) were rated significantly more realistically than fiction programs (M = 2.89, SI) = 0.87), t (28) = 3.13, p = .004, d = .58. In addition, among the entire sample, mean fiction program realism ratings were positively correlated with frequency of fiction program viewership, r (52) = .28, p = .048, and with mean documentary-style program realism ratings, r (36) = .38, p = .024. However, mean documentary-style program realism ratings were unrelated to frequency of viewership of documentary-style, r (44) = -.08, p = .625, or fiction programs, r (44) = -.04, p = .816. Thus, forensic fiction and documentary-style programs were perceived differently in their levels of realism, realism ratings for both sub-genres were positively associated, and while increased viewing frequency of forensic fiction programs was related to increased perception of the realism of both fiction and documentary-style programs, increased viewing of documentary-style programs was unrelated to perception of realism of either sub-genre.

Hypothesis Testing

To test the hypotheses, the most logical approach based on recent cultivation theory research-which has suggested that amount of sub- genre television viewing influences one’s perception of social reality- appeared to require taking the relative amount of both forensic science fiction and documentary-style viewership into account; therefore, the fiction-documentary difference score was used as a basis of dividing participants into two groups. “Lighter fiction” viewers (n = 41 or 51% of the sample) were designated as those with difference scores at or below zero (M = -3.95, SI) = 8.48), while “heavier fiction” viewers (n = 39 or 49% of the sample) were designated as those with difference scores greater than zero (M = 11.69, SD = 10.43). Thus, lighter fiction viewers reported watching either more documentary-style than fiction programs-or at least the same amount of each sub-genre-while heavier fiction viewers reported watching more fiction than documentary-style programs.

Since the first hypothesis was the most critical, descriptive statistics for the verdict scale were compared between the lighter fiction (M = – 2.98, SD = 7.00) and heavier fiction (M = -6.05, SD = 5.17) viewer groups, revealing one outlier case in the heavier fiction group, identified by having rendered a verdict scale score (x = 10) that was greater than 3 standard deviations beyond the group mean (x > 9.46). This case was removed from the dataset, leaving a sample size of n = 79. The overall sample data descriptive statistics are provided in Table 1. A chi-square test of independence revealed that heavier fiction viewers (n = 3 or 7.9%) rendered significantly fewer guilty verdicts than lighter fiction viewers (n = 11 or 26.8%), x2 (1, N = 19) = 4.85, p = .028, cp = .25. Furthermore, following up with the more sensitive scalar verdict scale score, while the continuous difference score viewership measure was only marginally correlated with the verdict scale score in the hypothesized direction, r (79) = -.20, p = .078, heavier fiction viewers endorsed significantly lower verdict scale scores as well as lower defendant guilt percentage scores than lighter fiction viewers (see Table 2), supporting the first hypothesis. Next, a chi-square test of independence revealed that heavier fiction viewers (n = 22 or 57.9%) were no more likely to mention DNA evidence as a verdict reason than lighter fiction viewers (n = 21 or 51.2%), x2 (1, N = 19) = 0.35, p = .552, cp = .07, and a second chi-square test of independence revealed that heavier fiction viewers (n = 26 or 68.4%) were no more likely to mention any scientific evidence at all as a verdict reason compared to lighter fiction viewers (n = 24 or 58.5%), x2 (1, N = 79) = 0.83, p = .362, cp = . 10. These results did not support the second hypothesis. The third hypothesis was also unsupported; as indicated in Table 2, heavier fiction viewers did not endorse significantly greater familiarity with forensic investigators’ or scientists’ tasks compared to lighter fiction viewers. Finally, the fourth hypothesis was unsupported; as indicated in Table 2, compared to lighter fiction viewers, heavier fiction viewers did not report less satisfaction with the prosecution’s evidence or more satisfaction with the defense’s evidence.

Follow-Up Analyses

Because the fiction and documentary-style programs appeared to be perceived differently in their realism accordingly to the preliminary analyses, and since previous research has relied solely on summed ratings of all forensic television programming as the measure of viewership, a summed score of the fiction and documentary-style viewership ratings was calculated (M = 15.24, SI) = 22.24) to compare it with the difference score measure. Indeed, this summed score did not correlate with the difference score, r (79) = .03, p = .784, suggesting that these scores measured different constructs. To compare them, a series of Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients were calculated between these two scores and the continuous outcome variables used in hypothesis testing and two point-biserial correlations were calculated between these two scores and the dichotomous verdict reason variables (see Table 3). Furthermore, both viewership scores were entered as predictor variables in a series of multiple regression analyses with the same continuous outcome variables (see Table 4).


Considering that the current study used an actual juror sample in a courthouse setting with an ecologically-valid trial stimulus, and in light of the highly limited previous empirical evidence for a relationship between forensic television program viewership and juror judgments of defendant guilt, these findings are important because they lend at least partial support for the strong prosecutor’s subtype of the CSI effect (Cole & Dioso-Villa, 2007, 2009) in real jurors. Using a forensic fiction- documentary viewership difference score to divide participants into two groups, heavier fiction viewers were indeed more likely to acquit the defendant in a murder trial and perceived him as less guilty compared to lighter viewers. However, the proposed route by which heavy fiction- viewing jurors make their decisions according to the strong prosecutor’s effect-in response to dissatisfaction with perceived substandard scientific evidence-was not supported here; there was only a marginally significant positive correlation between the fiction-documentary viewership difference score and mention of any scientific evidence at all as a verdict reason, and neither viewership group more frequently cited DNA or any scientific evidence as a verdict reason, or indicated greater satisfaction with either the prosecution’s or defense’s evidence.

One key methodological difference between the current study and prior CSI effect research is the distinction between fiction and documentary-style sub-genre viewership, using them in relation to one another, which had not been done previously. This was fruitful; while the majority of prior research using single crime show genre viewership measures has failed to detect any relationships between viewership and guilt decisions, the difference score viewership measure in the present study was a comparatively more sensitive predictor of guilt decisions; this is consistent with predictions based upon the strong prosecutor’s subtype of the CSI effect in which heavy fiction viewership will predict acquittals.

To illustrate further the difference between the summed and difference viewership scores, consider the relationships between these scores with the outcome variables in Tables 3 and 4. Perhaps most importantly, the difference score measure appeared to relate to the outcome variables in the hypothesized directions according to the strong prosecutor’s effect more consistently than the summed score. More specifically, the beta weight of the difference score was marginally significant in predicting the verdict scale in the hypothesized direction while taking the summed score’s contribution into account. In addition, the correlation of the difference score with mention of any scientific evidence as a verdict reason was marginally significant in the hypothesized direction. One counterintuitive finding, however, was that the correlation of the difference score and satisfaction with the prosecution’s evidence was marginally significant opposite the direction hypothesized. Comparatively, not only was the summed score uncorrelated with the verdict scale, but some of the relationships of the summed score with other outcome variables were puzzling and counterintuitive. For example, while the correlations and beta weights between the summed score and perceived familiarity with forensic investigators’ and scientists’ tasks were marginally significant in the hypothesized direction, the summed score was negatively associated with percentage certainty required to find defendant guilt in general (the reasonable doubt standard), meaning that heavier viewership of both sub- genres was associated with a lower general threshold required to render a guilty verdict. Furthermore, the correlation between the summed score and mention of DNA evidence as a verdict reason was marginally significant in the opposite direction as hypothesized. In light of these differences and considering that prior CSI effect research using the summed viewership measure has generally failed to predict guilt decisions, it appears that using the summed viewership measure makes little sense. Thus, separate consideration of crime program sub-genres in context may be important in determining whether viewership is related to juror guilt decisions.

Cultivation theory may be helpful as a potential explanation for these findings. Again, as Morgan and Shanahan (2010) have recently suggested, cultivation processes involved in one or more genres of viewership should be considered in the context of overall program viewership. Perhaps the images and messages about forensic science and criminal investigative procedures conveyed in these two main sub-genres of crime programs are distinctive enough from each other to promote different cultivation processes. Furthermore, perhaps those processes in documentary-style programs moderate those in fictional programs, as observed in the differences in acquittal rates between the viewership groups. It would seem that-consistent with the strong prosecutor’s effect subtype-dissatisfaction with the prosecution’s evidence would lead to heavier fiction viewers’ acquittals, and thus cultivation processes in fiction programs would involve more distorted perceptions of the apparent infallibility of forensic scientific evidence, while those involved in documentary-style programs would be more realistic. Nonetheless, if separate sub-genre cultivation processes are occurring, the nature of each is yet unclear; while prior CSI effect research has indicated that crime program viewership is related to beliefs and expectations about scientific evidence (Baskin & Sommers, 2010; Brewer & Ley, 2010; Hayes-Smith & Levett, 2011; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007; Shelton, Kim, & Barak, 2007; Smith, Patty, & Stinson, 2007), the results of the current study did not support this contention. On the other hand, clearly the current study made use of a single criminal trial video stimulus which presented a single type of scientific evidence (i.e., DNA) in a specific way. While recent research has suggested that juries regard DNA evidence as among the most reliable forms of scientific evidence (e.g., Wheate, 2010), juries respond differently to various types of criminal trials and evidence, and thus the results may have varied if another trial stimulus using a less reliable type of evidence was presented.

The current study is not without its limitations. First, the use of a homogenous convenience sample of mainly Caucasian jurors may limit the applicability of the results to other, more diverse jury populations. Nonetheless, there is some convincing evidence that minorities have been significantly and consistently underrepresented on jury panels in both the state and federal courts for many years despite efforts to diversify them (e.g., Fukurai, Butler, & Krooth, 1993; Fukurai & Krooth, 2003). Second, the television viewing measures were based on self-report, which could not be avoided but naturally pose a host of reliability and validity issues. Third, the current study used only initial verdict preference measures, which jury deliberation processes indeed affect (Bothwell, 1999). Lastly, this study may have been underpowered; considering that the difference score viewership measure was only marginally correlated with the verdict scale score and with mention of scientific evidence as a verdict reason in the hypothesized directions, perhaps an increased sample size may have revealed significant relationships among these variables.

Several recommendations for future research are raised here. First, no prior published study has utilized a fiction-documentary viewership difference score to test the strong prosecutor’s subtype of the CSI effect, and therefore replication of these results is essential. It appears that summed fiction and documentary and fiction-documentary difference score viewership measures differ in their relationships with other important outcome variables, and therefore determining which viewership measure or measures are most strongly related to measures of guilt decisions is critical for future research. Furthermore, if fictional programs do involve cultivation processes including unrealistically high expectations of the availability and utility of scientific evidence, and if these distorted perceptions do lead to differences in guilt decisions, it should also be noted that heavier relative fiction-to-documentary viewership was associated with acquittals. This occurred despite the fact that viewers rated fiction programs as less realistic than documentary- style programs, similar to Oliver and Armstrong’s (1995) findings for these two sub-genres in pre-CSV era crime show programming. In other words, awareness of the decreased realism of fictional programs relative to documentary-style programs did not appear to influence the process which led to more acquittals among the heavier viewers. Thus, future research might explore potential cognitive biases that may be involved in the relationship between forensic fiction television viewership and juror decision-making.

In addition, future studies should continue to investigate potential moderators of any CSI effect. To date, only three prior studies have made such attempts with limited success, including various demographic variables (Kim, Barak, & Shelton, 2009), amount of forensic evidence (Hayes-Smith & Levett, 2011), and need for cognition (Mancini, 2011) as potential moderators of forensic television viewership measures. The first two of these studies used single genre, summed viewership measures and the third used a ratio measure. In light of the current study’s findings-with the fiction-documentary viewership difference score measure predicting guilt decisions despite lower realism ratings for fictional programs-it may be worthwhile to investigate how these or other moderator variables interact with difference score viewership measures to help explain this potential influence of fictional program viewing. Finally, future studies may include a deliberation component to determine any potential relationship between viewership and verdict following the deliberation process.

To conclude, the current study’s findings suggest that there may be some important differences in viewer variables and/or in cultivation processes among those who tend to watch one crime show sub-genre more than the other, and these differences may influence juror decision- making, including those of defendant guilt. If this is true, then the strong prosecutor’s subtype of the CSI effect may indeed exist in actual jurors. The potential impact of media on juror decision-making is complex and as yet only poorly understood, but it may have serious implications for the criminal justice system. Clearly, replication of the current study’s results is key, and further investigation into identifying specific variables that may moderate the CSI effect is highly recommended.



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Shelton, D. E., Barak, G., & Kim, Y. S. (2011). Studying juror expectations for scientific evidence: A new model for looking at the CSI myth. Court Review, 47, 8-18.

Shelton, D. E., Kim, Y. S., & Barak, G. (2007). A study of juror expectations and demands concerning scientific evidence: Does the “CSI effect” exist? Vanderbilt Journal of Entertainment and Technology Law, 9, 331-368.

Signorielli, N. (1990). Television’s mean and dangerous world: A continuation of the cultural indicators perspective. In N. Signorielli & M. Morgan (Eds.), Cultivation analysis: New directions in media effects research (pp. 85-106). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Smith, S. M., Patry, M. W., & Stinson, V. (2007). But what is the CSI effect? How crime dramas influence people’s beliefs about forensic evidence. The Canadian Journal of Police & Security Services, 5, 187-195.

Smith, S. M., Stinson, V., & Patry, M. W. (2011). Fact or fiction? The myth and reality of the CSI effect. Court Review, 47, 4-7.

Stevens, D. J. (2011). Media and criminal justice: The CSI effect. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett Publishers.

Toobin, J. (2007, May 7). The CSI effect. New Yorker, 85,30-35.

Tyler, T. R. (2006). Viewing CSI and the threshold of guilt: Managing truth and justice in reality and fiction. The Yale Law Journal, 115, 1050-1085.

Wheate, R. (2010). The importance of DNA evidence to juries in criminal trials. The International Journal of Evidence & Proof, 14, 129-145.

Woo, H., & Dominick, J. R. (2003). Acculturation, cultivation, and daytime TV talk shows. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 80, 109-127.

Note: Special thanks to Dr. Peter Hutchinson of the Faculty Development Committee and Dr. John Smetanka, Vice President of Academic Affairs, at Saint Vincent College in Latrobe, PA, for providing the funding for this study, and to the staff of the Jury Commissioners’ Office of the Court of Common Pleas of Westmoreland County in Greensburg, PA, for their hospitality and willingness to provide administrative help in data collection.


Dante E. Mancini

Indiana University of Pennsylvania

Author info: Correspondence should be sent to: Dr. Dante E. Mancini, Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Department of Psychology – Uhler Hall 302, 1020 Oakland Avenue, Indiana, PA 15705, E-mail:

Word count: 8041

Copyright North American Journal of Psychology Dec 2013


sources essay

sources essay

Your third writing assignment in WRTG 391 will be a synthesis of sources essay, often called a literature review.

Please watch video on WA #3 — approaching the synthesis of sources essay.  Then complete the following task.

Imagine that you are working for department within a large company.  The manager of your department is considering allowing workers in your department to telework, in other words, to work from home. 

However, your manager is not sure what to expect from this possible change.

She is not sure what the advantages, pitfalls, unexpected issues, etc. are of allowing teleworking. For example, she is not sure whether workers become less productive because they will be working from home and not supervised.  She also considers the possibility that workers will become more productive because they won’t have to worry about traffic and parking.  They won’t have to take large amounts of time off to get children to a doctor’s appointment, to see a doctor themselves, to take care of errands, etc.  It is possible that working from home will improve productivity. 

Other questions abound in her mind.  For example, how many days a week should the workers be allowed to telework?  Should they be limited to one day?  Two days?  Or should they be unlimited to telework as many days as they would like per week?

In addition, she is not sure if everyone should be allowed to telework or if perhaps only people in certain positions should be allowed to telework.  For example, she knows that the janitor cannot telework.  His job could not be done at a distance.  But some individuals could telework, as their jobs involve meetings and other functions that could be accomplished at a distance.

Overall, your manager is somewhat at a loss on this issue. 

Your manager has asked you to review the literature on teleworking.  She has asked that you submit a literature review to her next month on the topic of teleworking.

From what you have gleaned in this class about what a literature review is, what is your manager asking you to do?

  • Does she want a proposal that supportsa new teleworking arrangement?
  • Does she want a persuasive paper that takes a stand againstteleworking?
  • Or does she want something entirely different from those two options?


Please give your answer in a paragraph of 5-10 sentences.

Hurricane Harvey

Hurricane Harvey

One of the most well-known photos from Hurricane Harvey was a photo of six elderly women in a flooded nursing home still in their chairs.  This obviously caught the attention of the media and sparked outrage from the public.  The nursing was identified as the La Vita Bella Nursing home.  The nursing home was directly affected by the mass flooding that Harvey brought on in Texas.  The residents of the nursing home were all safely evacuated by emergency personnel and were finally brought to safety after the photo has surfaced.  My immediate impression of the preparation and safety of the structure of the nursing home is very weak.  I remember seeing this photo and could not understand how these elderly citizens were in this situation, to begin with.  As it is known, Hurricane Harvey brought about record rainfalls, which led to mass flooding that Houston and the surrounding areas had never seen before.  This was not something that could have been known nor perfectly prepared for but should have been prepared for to some degree.  In my opinion, all the residents in the La Vita Bella Nursing home should have been evacuated out of the Houston area and brought to safety.  Even if the nursing home was not expected to be in any danger, it is not worth taking the chance with elderly citizens.

Hurricane Irma Shutting Down Hospitals

Following Hurricane Irma making landfall in Florida, many hospitals, nursing homes, and pharmacies were shut down.  With this occurring, it left many citizens without any help after the hurricane cleared and left those facilities still open with a heavy workload.  The hospitals had prepared for this to happen and ensured they were stocked with medications and had the supplies to sustain medical operations.  Shortly after Hurricane Irma had cleared many medical facilities began to reopen.  In my opinion, I feel the hospitals in Florida handled the storm of Hurricane Irma very well and ensured they closed medical facilities and evacuated medical personnel out before Irma could hit.  Doing so enabled for the quick reopening of medical facilities.

Wildfires in California

Wine Country in California was devastated by wildfires that California has never seen before.  Many homes, businesses, and communities were destroyed as uncontrollable wildfires swept through Napa Valley.  Additionally, the healthcare sector took a major hit due to the wildfires as well.  Hospitals had to evacuate all patients to safer locations to ensure the fires would not destroy the hospitals.  All patients were evacuated safely but the communities in the Napa Valley area were destroyed. Medical personnel immediately began to attempt to work but with power lines down phone calls could not be made and critical personnel could not be found.  In my opinion, I feel the medical personnel in California did the best they could with such short notice of the oncoming fires.  In the future, I would say medical personnel should devise a plan of how to contact one another when the power is out and phone lines are down.




Disease of Global Concern

Disease of Global Concern


A global concern disease is a disease that affects different nations worldwide and most of the global concern diseases are expensive to handle and maintain and most of the time the governments from different nations collaborate in disease prevention and management and therefore making it easy (Bachrach & Knox, 2012). HIV/AIDS is a global concern disease as it affects almost all the nations and the ARV medicine administered to the patients is too expensive for some country to handle. This therefore has made the different nations collaborate and help providing medications for the patients.

How to use demographic data to characterize HIV/AIDS

The people infected by the disease in various geographical locations help in making the analysis of the spread of the disease. HIV/AIDS is spread through various means and the places which are highly populated have high chances of disease spread as compared to the places densely populated. The demographic data on infection trends and the cases registered daily in hospitals can be used to rate the spread of the disease and therefore be used to make projection on the expected cases in future. This could be used to making adjustments and capitalizing on creation of awareness, investment in prevention measures as well as managing the present condition.

How to incorporate further research to address HIV/AIDS

The daily infection cases could be used for further research to make sure that the health sector maximizes on prevention of the disease spread. The most challenging issue about the disease is that most people are ignorant and reckless and therefore they don’t take care of themselves and therefore escalating the disease spread especially in the community setups. The places that can be researched on in this case are the vaccination or other prevention medications for HIV/AIDS as this would cut the further spread of the disease. The health sector could also invest in research and development of the medications available for the already infected people through improving and making them more effective as most cases the diseases become incompatible with some patients and therefore increasing the effects of the disease. The g0oven-rnmant should also invest in research and development of the cure of HIV/AIDS a lot of research has been done and the scientists have not been able to find a certified cure for the disease. Different governments should capitalize and fund the research and development in trying to come up with the cure as the disease has become a menace and strained the health sector.

How would you use morbidity and mortality in developing prevention strategies aimed at increasing attention to disease and decreasing adverse health outcomes?

Mortality and the morbidity data can be used to assess the spread of the disease and therefore the trend. This can be used to assess whether the trend is in line with the goals and objectives of healthy sector as they have concentrated on reduction of spread of HIV/AIDS. This can also be used to take note on the areas that the disease spread is fast and therefore increase campaigns of creation of awareness and employing the prevention strategies. The data can also be used to make comparison on the different communities, states and other countries and therefore help in making analysis on areas where the disease mostly is spread fast and where there are little cases of the disease spread and therefore know the strategies to take.

Which phenomenon—morbidity or mortality—is better to study to develop preventive strategies? Why?

The morbidity rate shows the actual people infected by the disease and the mortality rate is used to show the people who die as a result of the disease (Novotny, Adeyi, Haazenm & International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2003). I feel that morbidity is the best phenomenon that can be used to develop the preventive measures as the already infected people can be used to create awareness to the people who are infected. Mortality rate is rather too late as the dead people cannot be used to stir and spread information about the disease. I however feel that the areas that have low mobility rate and morbidity rate should be majored on when developing mobilization and awareness creation campaigns as the people can have chances or reducing the disease effect and therefore lower the cases in future.


Bachrach, J., & Knox, C. B. (2012). HIV & AIDS benchbook. Chicago: American Bar Association, AIDS Coordinating Committee.

Novotny, T., Adeyi, O., Haazen, D., & International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. (2003). HIV/AIDS in Southeastern Europe: Case studies from Bulgaria, Croatia, and Romania. Washington, DC: World Bank. Retrieved October 17, 2015



Unionization is a situation where employees decide to come together to fight for their rights. The rights of employees involve reasonable pay and benefit, adequate communication between them and their manager, and good management regarding recognition. For improved revenues by the company, workers should be paid as per their work and also, rewards should be offered to those who perform better in their various responsibilities as this usually motivates them. A manager should keep on updating his or her juniors on what is happening in their organization regarding the choices they make and why. This encourages the workers greatly as they feel that they are part of that company hence they work to their level best for the well-being of that particular organization. The management too should listen to their employees’ suggestions and complaints and take into account what is necessary and helpful.

Employees feel that the company is the best place to work even with the recent downturns in the economy which have resulted in the loss of large contract leading to less income. This may be as a result of poor management in that the supervisors do not regularly check on the worker’s progress (Behrens, 2013). Thus, there are incidences where some workers may come to work late, and others may fail to come hence, a company without direction and goals. Also, due to non-proportional payments, the employees lack morale in that they lack that self-drive thereby unless they are forced to provide quality services and products, they work recklessly and effortlessly.

For a successful response to employees’ questions about unionization, supervisors should follow several guidelines. The supervisor should let them know that the idea of employee union is forbidden by the company management (Jung & Yoon, 2013). This is because, once the formation of workers union is allowed, bad events such as demonstration may occur which in return will affect company’s operations.  The supervisor should convince the workers on the benefits they already have even without union formation such as self-drive in that there is no regular supervision by the manager thus, reduced cases of an employee being fired. The supervisor should also tell them the demerits of being in a union such as a group initiation fees in cases where one is late to the meeting or absent without apology. Thus, as a result of many contributions to the well-being of the union, an individual worker may end up receiving fewer payments than before even while increased.

The supervisors can also tell the employees the possibilities of loss of their positions within the organization. This is in case they insist on carrying on union formation and conducting a strike which might lead to property destruction. Hence, high chances that the union will not be formed. The supervisor should also let them know that even if they form a union, their grievances might not get resolved through that route (Russell, 2013). This is in the case where the employees need more than what the company can provide to its employees. The supervisor should give a chance to the employees to forward their issues and try to solve them one on one whereby, there might be solutions emergence, therefore, bringing the idea of union formation to an end.


Behrens, A. (2013). Thoughts on Business Leadership in Emerging Markets: A Side Effect of Poor Management. Thunderbird International Business Review.

Jung, H. S., & Yoon, H. H. (2013). The effects of organizational service orientation on person-organization fit and turnover intent. Service Industries Journal.

Russell, J. (2013). “Just Business”: 1970s Management Paternalism and Failed Service Sector Unionization. Labour / Le Travail.


Leadership Styles

Leadership Styles

Scenario A

What style did the leader exhibit? Describe events pointing out how your selected leader worked by certain principles.

The leader exhibited visionary and democratic leadership where the managers and the junior staff were involved in the decision making process (Bush Bell & Middlewood, 2010). The leader used to depend on our opinion and points before making any decision as that had really transformed decision implementation as all the employees readily accepted and implemented any change that was proposed. This was since their views were incorporated either through the group leaders or open meetings held. The leader capitalized on the people’s strength and innovativeness before commencing any project as this saved huge losses as the different views from the people gave a clear picture of what was expected at the end. Growing stuff career and experience was one of his areas of focus as he made sure that all the people were given a change to participate in project and explore their talents to the extremes and therefore making them feel free and accommodated in the company.

Report details of the scenario demonstrating how you were led to perform.

The zeal and the support that I got from his encouragement and guidance made me really strive hard to excess as I was not gated or prevented to explore my skills even further,.. in that company I was able to gather skills of management too learning closely from  him and therefore growing my leadership career something that saw mw become the group leader in that company and therefore coordinating the departments activates.

How did you improve your overall attitude and motivation based on a supportive leader in the workplace?

I was able to improve my attitude and view towards all people holistically and learnt that giving people a chance to become innovative and participate in company’s project at will through guidance and encouragements gears towards realizing the company’s goals faster as the employees are able to love their work and attach some value to the company’s projects.

Positive influence can help team members develop their skills and knowledge. Do you agree to this statement? Why and how?

Yes I agree with this statement. This is because the positive influence gives them the desire to explore and discover new things that help them develop extra skills that help either work smarter and effectively. Interaction with the subordinates also makes them feel valued and therefore enabling them to become dedicated to their work thereby sharpening their knowledge and skills.

How does working in a positive organization with supportive leadership encourage staff performance at work each day?

Av positive organization with leaders who are supportive help the subordinates feel that their world is valued in the organization and therefore giving them the courage to even do more and therefore improving their performance and therefore the performance of the organization ate large.

What leadership skills will you take from your positive experience and use when you are in a leadership position?

Some of the leadership skills that I have envied and would use in leadership position are good communication skills, being responsible, creativity, considering feedback, being trustworthy, being motivational especially to the subordinates as a way of givi9ngt them hope to feel that they are values in the organization.

Scenario B

What style did the leader exhibit? Describe events pointing out your selected leader’s leadership style.

The leader used Autocratic Leadership style where he has a bossy character and he held all the power and responsibility (Cooper, 2005). One of the worst things the leader lacked is proper communication plan as well as doing some follow up and guidance in the delegated duties. This made it hard to know the way to handle the duties as per his expectations and therefore always led to quarrying and therefore making it hard to effectively run the organization.

Report details of the scenario demonstrating how you were led in his or her team.

The decision making process was fully the role of the leader and therefore making the grievances of the subordinates and their contributions towards change not matter at all when deciding on what to implement. This therefore made it hard to fully cope with the change and also made the change implementation processes it was hard to link what the manager intended with the goals and objectives of the company as well as the personal goals.

How did the manager’s action make you feel? Explain.

The action of the manager made me feel frustrated and unvalued in the work place due to the command voice and the authoritative terns used whenever he was giving orders. It was also hard to fully explore my innovation and talent and therefore limiting my career progress.

Which leadership behaviors do you think your selected leader lacked? Do you think the leader had ever had a chance to learn about leadership styles?

The leader lacked the communication skills, charisma, and motivational skills. Some of these characters are vital for a leadership position and to some extent I felt that the leader either lacked a chance to learn the leadership characters and therefore not being dully baked or fit for the position at that time. This could be maybe that he rose to power very fast and therefore lacked the experience part of it. The leader could also have chosen to ignore the characters and choose the dictatorial.

How important is it for a leader to be trained to guide and motivate the staff members to enhance team unity, enthusiasm, and positive attitudes?

Leadership is not all about coordinating projects in an organization but also spread towards ensuring that the subjects are motivated and given a chance to explore their skills and challenge their knowledge (Schein & Schein, 2017). It is important for a leader therefore to know how to associate with his subjects and how to motivate them towards career growth and other activities in the organization. Realizing the goals of an organization can only be done with a coordinated group and therefore unity is important in an organization for effectiveness.

What role should the individual staff member have to motivate himself or herself instead of relying on a manager?

A staff member should have own targets set either at the beginning of the week, month, or year and use them to rate their performance and therefore be able to appreciate their efforts at the end. This could also be through comparing their performances with the performances of other staff in the same position in other companies and therefore appreciating once self-motivation and efforts as per the achievements.


Bush, T., Bell, L., & Middlewood, D. (2010). The Principles of Leadership & Management. London: Sage Publications.

Cooper, C. L. (2005). Leadership and management in the 21st century: Business challenges of the future. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Schein, E. H., & Schein, P. (2017). Organization culture and leadership.


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